Americanism

Piper, Michaels Collins wrote:

Modern-Day Zionist Philosophers: ‘America IS the New Jerusalem’
Lest there be any doubt that the leaders of the American Zionist community do now view the United States as The New Jerusalem, it is vital to consider this salient—and undeniable—fact:
The Zionists now openly charge that critics of Israel are not only anti-Semitic and anti-Israel but also anti-Christian and anti-American, that anti-Israel sentiments are actually the underlying foundation of anti-Americanism and, in turn, anti-Americanism is inextricably indivisible from anti-Israel, anti-Semitic and anti-Christian sentiments.
In short, the bottom line of this proposition is America is indeed ‘The New Jerusalem.’ That America and Israel are one. Such views are being nurtured at the highest levels of the Zionist movement and even now being inserted into the discourse of public debate in America. As such, we can only conclude that all of this is very much a confirmation of the thesis put forth in the pages of The New Jerusalem.
In a certain sense, there is some truth to the theme that ‘anti-Americanism’ is a form of opposition to Israel, for most people around the world who are concerned about the new imperialism being pursued by the United States know full well that this policy is not really ‘Americanism’ but, in fact, the product of the Zionist powers and their policymakers in high places who have come to reign supreme in America, particularly during the presidency of George W. Bush.

[The New Jerusalem – Zionist Power in America]

Ginsberg, Benjamin wrote:

Jews frequently sought the protection of the state. For their own purposes, rulers often were happy to accommodate the Jews in exchange for the services that the latter could provide.
Much followed from the relationship between Jews and states, and, as an outgrowth, some of the most important states in the modern world were built or strengthened. As a result of this relationship, moreover, Jews sometimes achieved great power. Their relationship with the state, however, also exposed Jews to new hatred and antagonisms. For the Jews, under some circumstances, the embrace of the state proved to be fatal. These considerations are not simply of historical interest. They are also central to understanding the past—and potential future—of Jews in America.
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Though Jews have learned to look, talk and dress like other Americans, they are not fully assimilated either in their own minds or in the eyes of their neighbors. . . . To make matters worse, Jews often, secretly or not so secretly, conceive themselves to be morally and intellectually superior to their neighbors.
. . . Indeed, Jews are extremely successful outsiders who sometimes have the temerity to rub it in.
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Since the 1960s, Jews have come to wield considerable influence in American economic, cultural, intellectual, and political life. Jews played a central role in American finance during the 1980s, and they were among the chief beneficiaries of that decade’s corporate mergers and reorganizations.
Today, though barely 2% of the nation’s population is Jewish, close to half its billionaires are Jews.
The chief executive officers of the three major television networks and the four largest film studios are Jews, as are the owners of the nation’s largest newspaper chain and most influential single newspaper, The New York Times.
In the late 1960s, Jews already constituted 20% of the faculty of elite universities and 40% of the professors of elite law schools; today, these percentages doubtless are higher.
The role and influence of Jews in American politics is equally marked. Jews are elected to public office in disproportionate numbers.
In 1993, ten members of the United States Senate and thirty two members of the House of Representatives were Jewish, three to four times their percentage of the general population.
Jews are even more prominent in political organizations and in finance. One recent study found that in twenty-seven of thirty six campaigns for the United States Senate, one or both candidates relied upon a Jewish campaign chairman or finance director.
In the realm of lobbying and litigation, Jews organized what was for many years one of Washington’s most successful political action [organizations], the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), and they play leadership roles in such important public interest groups as the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) and Common Cause. Several Jews also played very important roles in the 1992 Democratic presidential campaign.
After the Democrats’ victory, President Clinton appointed a number of Jews to prominent positions in his administration. Their role in American economic, social and political institutions has enabled Jews to wield considerable influence in the nation’s public life. The most obvious indicator of this influence is the $3 billion in direct military and economic aid provided to Israel by the United States each year and, for that matter, the like amount given to Egypt since it agreed to maintain peaceful relations with Israel.
That fully three-fourths of America’s foreign aid budget is devoted to Israel’s security interests is a tribute in considerable measure to the lobbying prowess of AIPAC and the importance of the Jewish community in American politics. . . .
As a general rule, what can and cannot be said in public reflects the distribution of political power in society. As Jews gained political power, politicians who indulged in anti-Semitic tactics were labeled extremists and exiled to the margins of American politics.
Similarly, religious symbols and forms of expression that Jews find threatening have been almost completely eliminated from schools and other public institutions.
Suits brought by the ACLU, an organization whose leadership and membership are predominantly Jewish, secured federal court decisions banning officially sanctioned prayers in the public schools and crèches and other religious displays in parks and public buildings.

[The Fatal Embrace: Jews and the State]

Cantor, Norman wrote:

Jews in the four decades after 1940 came home in American society to suburban comfort, to penetration of academia and the privileged bastions of the learned professions, to corporate business, to politics and government and controlling levels of the media. Jews were over represented in the learned professions by a factor of five or six.
In 1994 Jews were only three percent of the American population but their impact was equivalent to an ethnic group comprising twenty percent of the population.
Nothing in Jewish history equaled this degree of Jewish accession to power, wealth and prominence. Not in Muslim Spain, not in early 20th century Germany, not in Israel itself, because there were no comparable levels of wealth and power on a world-class scale in that small country to attain.

[The Sacred Chain]

Piper, Michaels Collins wrote:

In his Commentary essay, ‘Americanism—and Its Enemies,’ Yale Professor David Gelernter says that “Americanism” itself—at least as defined by Gelernter and his fellow Zionists—is no more than a modern-day evolution of old-line Zionist thought, going back to the Bible itself. America, he contends, is essentially the new Israel, The New Jerusalem, a virtual adjunct of the State of Israel itself.
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That Gelernter’s proposition was put forth in Commentary—long-edited by neo-conservative ‘ex-Trotskyite’ Norman Podhoretz, who still remains the power-behind-the-scenes at the journal—means quite a lot. Generally recognized as one of the foremost media influences directing U.S. foreign policy in the Bush administration, Commentary is certainly one of the leading—and hardline—voices of Zionism, not only in America, but worldwide.
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As we now see, today’s Trotskyites—now the leaders of Zionism—are realists and opportunists, if nothing else. As such, they have retooled their mechanism for global rule and have adapted it for their particular needs during the 21st century, to the point that they have even drafted a born again, messianic-minded gun-toting cowboy with a Texas twang as their chief public spokesman. And, in fact, he’s developed quite a cult following.
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While his essay was published before Bush’s inaugural address was publicly delivered—although it had already been privately concocted in the hands of Gelernter’s Zionist associates—Gelernter contends that what today is the Sharansky-Bush point of view goes back, in American historical terms, to the days of the Puritan and Pilgrim founding fathers.
Noting that ‘Puritans spoke of themselves as God’s new chosen people, living in God’s new promised land—in short, as God’s new Israel,’ Gelernter asserts that ‘Many thinkers have noted that Americanism is inspired by or close to or intertwined with Puritanism,’ noting that ‘one of the most impressive scholars to say so recently is Samuel Huntington, in his formidable book on American identity, Who Are We?’
In any case, Gelernter says that the Puritanism of Huntington’s chosen type is the real foundation of America. He writes:

David Gelernter wrote:

Puritanism did not merely inspire or influence Americanism, it turned into Americanism. . . . You cannot really understand the Pilgrims, or Puritans in general, unless you know the Hebrew Bible and classical Jewish history; knowing Judaism itself also helps . . . Early exponents of Americanism tended to define even their own Christianity [emphasis Gelernter’s] in ways that make it sound like Judaism.

Suggesting that those whom he calls ‘the theologians of Americanism’ understood that freedom, equality and democracy were not just philosophical ideas but ‘the word of God,’ Gelernter concludes that the consequence is ‘the fervor and passion with which Americans believe their creed.’ Gelernter says that creed is that ‘Americans, virtually alone in the world, insist that freedom, equality, and democracy are right not only for France and Spain but for Afghanistan and Iraq.’
Here Gelernter begins to spin his particular theme that Zionism is integral to and inseparable from what he says is ‘Americanism’:

David Gelernter wrote:

To sum up Americanism’s creed as far as freedom, equality, and democracy for all is to state only half the case. The other half deals with a promised land, a chosen people, and a universal, divinely ordained mission. This part of Americanism is the American version of biblical Zionism: in short, American Zionism.

Purporting that ‘Americanism’ (as he defines it) is ‘American Zionism’— the idea that America is also a Zionist ‘promised land’ that is as one with the state of Israel and traditional Jewish Zionism itself, Gelernter is suggesting that both Israel and America are Jewish states. He goes even further:

David Gelernter wrote:

Classical Israel’s (and classical Zionism’s) contribution to Americanism is incalculable. No modern historian or thinker I am aware of . . . has done justice to this extraordinary fact. They seem to have forgotten what the eminent 19th century Irish historian William Lecky recognized: that ‘Hebraic mortar cemented the foundations of American democracy.’ And even Lecky, I suspect, did not grasp the full extent of this truth. Unless we do grasp it, we can never fully understand Americanism—or anti-Americanism.

In short, Gelernter is avowing that ‘anti-Americanism’ is nothing more (or nothing less) than opposition to the Zionist theology that he contends played such a considerable role as the ‘mortar’ that ‘cemented the foundations of American democracy.’ Then, Gelernter moves forward, applying his bizarre theory to the conduct of U.S. foreign policy. In the same spirit in which The Washington Post on January 21, 2005 declared President Bush’s global view to be ‘more Wilsonian than conservative,’ Gelernter asserts:

David Gelernter wrote:

[Woodrow] Wilson stands right at the center of classical Americanism. No president spoke the language of Bible and divine mission more lucidly . . . During Wilson’s administration, Americanism accomplished a fundamental transition. It had always included the idea of divine mission. But what was [emphasis in the original] the mission? Until the closing of the frontier in the last decade of the 19th century, the mission was to populate the continent.
With the frontier closed, the mission became ‘Americanism for the whole world.

Thus, in the end, the thesis put forth in The New Jerusalem—that the Zionists have laid claim to America as their New Jerusalem—is not some horrific and hate-filled “anti-Jewish conspiracy theory.”
In fact, according to the Zionists themselves, the concept that America is The New Jerusalem is the very foundation of Zionism in the 21st century. That conclusion is inescapable.

[The New Jerusalem – Zionist Power in America]

In an interesting exchange, [You must be registered and logged in to see this link.] pushes [You must be registered and logged in to see this link.] on why the US is so critical of [You must be registered and logged in to see this link.] reports about Israel when it relies heavily on the group's findings that uncover human rights abuses elsewhere around the world. [You must be registered and logged in to see this link.]

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Sam Harris wrote:

‘Why Don’t I Criticize Israel?’

So, when we’re talking about the consequences of irrational beliefs based on scripture, the Jews are the least of the least offenders. But I have said many critical things about Judaism. Let me remind you that parts of Hebrew Bible—books like Leviticus and Exodus and Deuteronomy—are the most repellent, the most sickeningly unethical documents to be found in any religion. They’re worse than the Koran. They’re worse than any part of the New Testament. But the truth is, most Jews recognize this and don’t take these texts seriously. It’s simply a fact that most Jews and most Israelis are not guided by scripture—and that’s a very good thing.

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Saturday's globally broadcast [You must be registered and logged in to see this link.] special...as NATO-nation propaganda against Russia reaches new levels of arguable Strangelove absurdity.

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